By Jie Chen
What sort of position can the center category play in strength democratization in such an undemocratic, overdue constructing state as China? to respond to this profound political in addition to theoretical query, Jie Chen explores attitudinal and behavioral orientation of China's new heart category to democracy and democratization. Chen's paintings is predicated on a special set of information gathered from a probability-sample survey and in-depth interviews of citizens in 3 significant chinese language towns, Beijing, Chengdu and Xi'an--each of which represents a special point of monetary improvement in city China-in 2007 and 2008. The empirical findings derived from this information set ensure that (1) in comparison to different social periods, relatively reduce periods, the recent chinese language center class-especially these hired within the country apparatus-tends to be extra supportive of the present Party-state yet much less supportive of democratic values and associations; (2) the hot heart class's attitudes towards democracy could be accounted for through this class's shut ideational and institutional ties with the nation, and its perceived socioeconomic wellness, between different elements; (3) the inability of help for democracy one of the center category has a tendency to reason this social category to behave in desire of the present nation yet towards democratic alterations.
an important political implication is that whereas China's heart category isn't prone to function the harbinger of democracy now, its present attitudes towards democracy might swap sooner or later. this sort of an important shift within the heart class's orientation towards democracy can ensue, specifically while its dependence at the Party-state decreases and conception of its personal social and fiscal statuses turns pessimistic. the most important theoretical implication from the findings means that the attitudinal and behavioral orientations of the center class-as a complete and as a part-toward democratic swap in past due constructing international locations are contingent upon its courting with the incumbent nation and its perceived social/economic wellness, and the center class's help for democracy in those nations is much from inevitable.
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Additional resources for A Middle Class Without Democracy: Economic Growth and the Prospects for Democratization in China
For instance, a late developer needs a strong state to pool the country’s resources and mobilize its population to compensate for the inadequate supplies of capital, entrepreneurship, and technological capacity within a constrained timeframe to catch up and compete with developed countries. Meanwhile, a strong state is needed to design and coordinate strategies to cope with unprecedented, severe international economic competition. As Vivek Chibber (2003, 13) concisely sums up, therefore, the phenomenon of the late development .
Managerial personnel include all mangers in state-owned, private, and joint venture enterprises. 1 A Model of Social Stratification in China Position in Labor Division Position in Authority Structure Means of Production Inside/Outside the Political System (tizhinei/tizhiwai) Major Resources Administrative personnel of state affairs and social affairs Managerial personnel High- and middle-level professional and technical rank High- and middle-level professional and technical rank High- and middle-level management Agents (do not possess means of production, but control or dispose) The core of the political system Political High- and middle-level management The periphery of the political system or outside the system Cultural or political Private entrepreneurs Professionals High-level management High- and Self-managed middle-level or managed professional and (independent to technical rank some extent) Middle- and Managed or low-level middle- and professional and low-level technical rank management Employees (do not possess means of production, but control or dispose) Employers (possess means of production) Employees or selfemployed (do not possess means of production) Employees (do not possess means of production) Outside the political system Inside the political system or outside the system Economic Inside the political system or outside the system Some cultural and political Office workers (banshi renyuan) Cultural Self-employed labors (ge’ti’hu) Management or self-managed Commercial and Skilled, service workers semiskilled, and unskilled labors Industrial Skilled, workers semiskilled, and unskilled labors Peasants Skilled, semiskilled, and unskilled labors Unemployed — Managed or low-level management Managed or low-level management Self-managed — Self-employed or employers (possess means of production) Employees or selfemployed (do not possess means of production) Employees or selfemployed (do not possess means of production) Employees or selfemployed (possess some means of production) — Source: The content of this table is drawn from Lu (2002, 2004).
Meanwhile, I examine the effects of other key variables—such as sociodemographic attributes of the middle class and its perceived socioeconomic well-being—on this class’s attitudes toward democracy. In this chapter, I seek to address one of the most critical questions that will enable us to better understand the role of the middle class in potential political changes in China: why does or does not the middle class support political changes toward a democracy in China? The behavioral consequence of the middle class’s democratic support is the analytical focus of chapter 5.
A Middle Class Without Democracy: Economic Growth and the Prospects for Democratization in China by Jie Chen